Mr President, honourable colleagues,

also the next European Council meeting, which will be the fourth since the new Government came into office, will be discussing priority challenges for the European Union: the aggression against Ukraine, the economy, security, defence, migration, external relations.
After all, there has been no change to the complexity of the phase that Europe, the West and the international system are going through. Security in all areas, including social and economic security, remains the priority of our daily work.
Security and, consequently, freedom cannot be defended without the strategic partnership that links the European Union and NATO. Hence why a working meeting with NATO Secretary General Stoltenberg is planned on Thursday 29 June before the summit among the 27 members of the European Council gets underway, ahead of another important event which will be the NATO Summit in Vilnius, Lithuania, on 11 and 12 July. During this meeting, the Council will reaffirm the Union’s commitment as a partner and provider of global security, in complementarity with the Atlantic Alliance, to implement the Strategic Compass and move forward on regulations to strengthen the European defence industry, also through joint purchasing.  
A European Council meeting will then be held that will have to send out ambitious signals of a Europe that is able to protect its businesses and citizens.
A key issue, above all thanks to Italy’s efforts, will be migration.
On this point I wish to first of all join in the condolences for the recent tragedy off the coast of Greece, once again expressing, on behalf of the Government, our sympathy for the families of the victims and our commitment to stamp out inhumane human trafficking that continues to claim victims in the Mediterranean.
At the special European Council meeting in February, thanks to Italy’s actions, all 27 Member States and the EU institutions finally acknowledged that migration is a European challenge and therefore requires European responses.
Also thanks to our work, the approach that aims to overcome the historical contrast between primary movements and secondary movements and between countries of first arrival and countries of destination is gaining ground.
In other words, if the issue of defending the European Union’s external borders is not dealt with first, if we do not fight illegal immigration before it reaches our coasts, then it will be impossible to have a just and efficient migration and asylum policy. A civilisation such as ours cannot give the slave traders of the 21st century, the ruthless traffickers who make their profits from human lives, the power to decide who enters Europe and who does not. There is nothing humane or solidarity-based about mass irregular immigration, and it affects the weakest, the most vulnerable, starting with those who would actually have the right to reception.
This significant step change above all means maintaining the European Union’s focus on the countries along the southern shores of the Mediterranean and in Africa, combining the fight against traffickers with development policies. The relationship with countries of origin and of transit must be considered a priority and must become concrete through balanced partnerships, financed with adequate resources; we intend to raise this issue in the context of the revision of the EU’s seven-year budget.
Our ‘Mattei Plan’ for Africa is a pioneer of this approach. This plan is a strategic objective that has been launched by this Government and in relation to which many European States have expressed their interest and appreciation.
It is therefore beginning to be understood that, if we want to address the immigration problem at its root, then the issue of development in Africa must be raised, with its growing population, its challenges and its opportunities. It is a vast region that has resources that are crucial for Europe, starting with energy resources; however, those resources should first of all benefit the populations they belong to. This development must aim to enhance human capital and the growth of a solid and self-sufficient local productive fabric. The goal is ambitious but very clear: to guarantee prosperity, peace and lasting friendship, with a development cooperation model that has to be based on equality and not predatory in nature.
This is also why the Government has been working hard in recent weeks, and I have been personally committed with the recent missions on 6 and 11 June (the latter with President of the European Commission von der Leyen and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte), to ensure that Europe keeps a close focus on stability in Tunisia, which is a key goal for the security of the entire Mediterranean and, as a result, of Europe. The joint EU-Tunisia declaration and the work that is continuing as we speak to define a European support package for Tunis represent a very important signal, for which I am grateful to the Commission for the work it is carrying out. It is with satisfaction that I also welcome this priority being recognised as a separate item on the foreign policy agenda for this European Council meeting. Europe finally now recognises that the stability of North African countries is also a problem for our continent.
However, the European Council must also give a sign to consolidate, with further progress, the agreement that was reached by the Justice and Home Affairs Council regarding asylum and migration regulation proposals aimed at replacing the Dublin rules, ahead of the negotiations with the European Parliament. Everyone now considers the Dublin rules to be outdated, but for nations such as ours, that defend the European Union’s external borders, they are even a potential risk, because they expose us to growing illegal flows, resulting in the tragedies we continue to see in the Mediterranean.
The proposals we have agreed on are certainly still to be finalised but they go in the right direction: they make the responsibilities borne by countries of first entry more sustainable, improve the ‘safe third country’ concept and provide for a permanent and compulsory solidarity mechanism, albeit with some flexibility in its contents. They were proposing that States refusing the relocation of migrants had to pay those that then had to relocate said migrants. I, however, would never have accepted being paid to transform Italy into Europe’s refugee camp. What we have asked for, and obtained, is for those resources to instead go to a fund for defending external borders, not to manage illegal immigration but to fight it.
For us, one real crux of this issue remains: distinguishing between economic migrants and those who instead have the right to international protection. These are two very different matters and for years they have been wrongly allowed to overlap.

The failure to make this distinction, which was above all due to ideological calculations, paradoxically hugely weakened the possibility to help those with the right to be helped, favouring criminal organisations that run human trafficking operations.
For us, the key aspect is therefore the defence of external borders. Those who have put their trust in me and in this Government expect concrete results in fighting irregular immigration, and they will get them. It doesn’t matter if it takes time to get them, because the results we are working on are structural and lasting. This is the commitment we have made, this is what we will do.
I wish to say that I am proud to have become leader of this nation when it was heading at breakneck speed towards the erasure of its national borders; recognition of an inalienable right to migration and therefore to being received in Europe without constraints or distinctions; a ban on adopting any measure to contain illegal immigration, even arriving to the point of justifying those who ram Italian State vessels; and to find myself today representing a nation that takes a diametrically opposite view.
I therefore consider the section in the Council Conclusions dedicated to the European Union’s external relations to be very significant, as this will allow us to reaffirm the importance of relaunching discussions within the EU on relations with the southern Mediterranean. With the support of the other MED 9 partners, Italy has submitted a position paper on relaunching relations between the European Union and the Southern Neighbourhood, which contains concrete proposals for strengthening the partnership in three strategic areas: energy, migration and the green transition.
We hope that a European Union-Southern Neighbourhood meeting can be held during the Spanish Presidency as a summit of Heads of State and Government.
The European Council will also express the European Union’s support for an increased presence of the African Union in international fora, especially the G20. In line with the objectives of our G7 Presidency in 2024, I will stress the importance for Italy of relaunching Africa’s role in these fora. This is why we immediately stated that we are in favour of the African Union being permanently included in the G20, because we believe it is necessary to add a new and respected voice in searching for common solutions to global challenges.
At this European Council meeting, we will once again discuss the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine.
Together with its allies, Italy has closely followed developments of the Russian Federation’s domestic crisis. Without going into comments about Russia’s internal affairs, I would just like to note that this episode has contributed to clearly revealing the difficulties that Putin’s system of power is experiencing and to dismantling the Russian narrative according to which everything is going to plan in Ukraine. As we know, the situation is evolving, also following the latest Russian leadership statements regarding the Wagner brigade and the deployment of its troops in different war situations, which is something that for us also involves Africa, where Wagner has a very significant presence.
The European Union will confirm its firm support for the Ukrainian people, who have been fighting for the freedom and independence of their nation for the last 16 months.
The Italian Government’s clear position is recognised and appreciated by our partners and it strengthens our nation’s standing in European and international contexts. I think this is something we should all be proud of, not only the Government but the whole of Parliament and indeed the entire nation.
I wish to underline my firm belief that defending Ukraine today means defending Italy’s national interest, because Ukraine surrendering would bring with it the collapse of international law and the system of coexistence among states that was born following the end of the Second World War. If we had not helped the Ukrainians (as indeed some in this chamber suggest, probably in the interests of propaganda), if the Ukrainians had not astounded the world with their courage, today we would find ourselves in a world in which the strength of the law is replaced with the law of the strongest, a world in which those with superior military power can freely invade their neighbours, a much more unstable and much more dangerous world. In a world without rules, other than the rule of weapons, Europe and Italy would only stand to lose.
It is our hope that a just and lasting peace can be reached as soon as possible, fully respecting international law and Ukraine’s territorial integrity. We are continuing to work hard towards this goal in all international fora.
Italy will continue to support efforts aimed at ensuring that there is prosecution for the international crimes committed against Ukraine as part of the aggression, first and foremost through the independent work carried out by the International Criminal Court.  
Out of all of them, I am thinking of the kidnapping and deportation to Russia of thousands of Ukrainian children, about whom there is no longer any news, because as a mother this is certainly one of the things that has most left its mark on me in this awful affair.
European financial support for Kyiv remains solid and will continue hand in hand with the reconstruction of the country that has been attacked. The instrument proposed by the Commission, the so-called ‘New Ukraine Facility’, shows that the entire international community is looking in the same direction. Beyond this war, beyond that enemy, beyond that injustice, we are looking to a rebuilt Ukraine, and Italy has all the right credentials to play an absolute key role, as demonstrated by the bilateral conference on reconstruction that we held on 26 April, which brought the best of the two nations’ entrepreneurial systems to Rome. We are betting on a future of peace and prosperity for Ukraine, and on this nation’s European integration. We will firmly support the right of Ukrainians to be an integral part of the European family.
Italy also ensures support for Ukraine by cooperating on development as well as by countering the serious repercussions on food security caused by the conflict. It is with relief that we welcome the extension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative and we applaud Europe’s efforts to ensure continuation of the Solidarity Lanes programme. It will, however, be necessary to find a lasting solution that guarantees the free flow of agricultural products in the Black Sea, and we confirm our full commitment to this too.
We are also very closely following and fully support IAEA Director General Grossi’s tireless efforts and diplomatic action to guarantee nuclear safety in Ukraine.
After the criminal act that caused the Nova Kakhovka dam to explode, we are concerned that the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant may also be used as an instrument of war. It is the duty of the entire international community to ensure that such a catastrophe does not happen. We hope that Grossi’s very recent visit to Kyiv and Zaporizhzhia can pave the way for concrete progress, albeit in what we know is a particularly difficult context.
Still with a view to the eastern border, I would also like to mention what we are doing for Moldova. We are supporting this country’s European process, encouraging it to fully comply with the conditions identified by the EU. However, as part of that process, which I prefer to define as ‘reunification’ rather than ‘enlargement’ (because, as Saint John Paul II said, Europe needs to breathe with two lungs, the eastern one and the western one), we must ensure rules are respected for everyone, avoiding ‘priority routes’ to the benefit of new candidates and to the detriment of older ones, and I am referring in particular to the Western Balkan countries.
The war in Ukraine has clearly had an impact on the continent’s economies, making the signals that each European Council meeting, and therefore also this one, gives on the economy all the more crucial, in order to ensure real support for our continent’s businesses, on a level playing field.
A European industrial policy that safeguards the single market must go hand in hand with a European approach to competitiveness. It is clear to everyone that, without European funding issued regardless of national fiscal capacity, we risk only increasing disparities, favouring certain countries to the detriment of others.
On 20 June, the European Commission presented its ‘STEP’ (Strategic Technologies for Europe Platform) proposal, with a ‘Sovereignty portal’ that not only aims to simplify information on and procedures for European funding but also allows for flexibility in using European funds in order to support and finance investments in strategic sectors. This is something that Italy had asked for back in February and that, thanks to our impetus, was included in the Conclusions of that European Council meeting. The Commission’s proposal is an important starting point for negotiations, to which Italy intends to contribute in order to quickly reach an agreement.
As the word ‘STEP’ itself says, this tool is an initial step for us to arrive at a European Sovereignty Fund, a key tool to address challenges such as the green transition, the digital transition, defence and healthcare with adequate resources; i.e., challenges that we will be dealing with for at least the next three decades.
There is then the issue of the economic governance reform, whose main objective, in the Italian Government’s view, must be to support growth, because without support for growth, stability cannot be guaranteed either. In our view, the reform must ensure that investments are protected in strategic sectors, in particular, the green transition, digital transition and defence, and it must provide for simplified and fast procedures for our businesses.
The intense diplomatic work we are carrying out with partners is above all aimed at overcoming old contrasts and bringing an end to the season of austerity once and for all, albeit without breaching budget regulations in relation to which the Italian Government has shown its seriousness right from the budget law, proving wrong those who had predicted all kinds of catastrophes.

This is a complex matter and, in this case, I believe Italy’s objectives are shared by most political parties and had already received bipartisan support under previous governments. For this reason, and I wish to say this calmly but clearly, I do not believe that fuelling a domestic dispute at this stage on certain financial instruments, such as the ESM, is useful for Italy. Today, Italy’s interest is to address negotiations on Europe’s new governance with a ‘package’ approach, whereby Stability and Growth Pact rules, completion of the Banking Union and financial safeguard mechanisms must be discussed as a whole, respecting our national interest. Even before a question of merit, there is a question of method regarding how to defend Italy’s national interest.  
Economic security will also be discussed at the European Council meeting, which was a priority goal in the European Commission’s recent proposal. Economic security in the sense of supporting competitiveness and growth, protecting industry, monitoring investments and sensitive technologies, protecting the EU’s production chains, developing industrial capacity and innovation in our area and strengthening and increasing control of our supply chains.
In short, that whole approach of defending and controlling our own production chains and of self-sufficiency that not so long ago some would have somewhat simplistically labelled as ‘autarchic’; in reality, this was simply a realistic approach by those who understand that Europe needs to control its supply chains and not be more and more exposed to dependencies that can become dangerous.
As part of discussions on the economy, reference will also be made to the upcoming launch of the medium-term revision of the EU’s seven-year budget, the so-called ‘Multiannual Financial Framework’. Over the last few days, we have submitted a position paper, highlighting the aspects that are of most interest to Italy. The EU’s budget will have to take into account the situation of great geopolitical instability in North Africa, as we were saying, but also the continuous rise in interest rates, especially in relation to NextGenerationEU debt.
Certainly, citizens of euro area Member States had almost forgotten what inflation was. It has now returned and is affecting our economies, and we are reminded that it is an odious hidden tax that above all affects the less well-off and those with fixed incomes, from workers to pensioners. Hence why it is undoubtedly right to fight it decisively. However, the European Central Bank’s simplistic recipe of increasing rates does not appear to many to be the right path to take, considering that, in our countries, the general rise in prices is not due to the economy growing too fast, but rather to endogenous factors, first of all the energy crisis caused by the conflict in Ukraine. The risk that continuous rate hikes may end up affecting our economies more than inflation, in other words that the cure may prove to be more harmful than the disease, cannot be overlooked.
We believe it is probably more useful to focus on the specific causes triggering this inflation, continuing with the measures Europe has implemented to contain energy and raw material prices; I wish to recall the price cap, which was thanks above all to Italy’s activism.
At this European Council meeting, the foreign policy component, referred to as ‘external relations’, will also be of great significance.
A discussion is planned on China. The future of relations with Beijing is the subject of intense debate at EU level. Of course a long chapter should first be opened on the short-sightedness with which also the European Union managed the consequences of China joining the World Trade Organisation. As President Tremonti has explained at length, to be truly beneficial for all parties, trade must be not only free, but also fair. Today, however, more pragmatically, we must acknowledge that the Chinese economy and the European economy are interdependent in many ways and that their relationship has often been tainted by distortive practices, whereas instead it should evolve towards common standards and rules.
In this context, while on the one hand decoupling is not a viable option, on the other hand reducing risk and firmly supporting the competitiveness of our production system and the resilience of our supply chains is, in order not to fall into new, deleterious dependence-based ties.
That is not all. In geopolitical terms, China has become an essential interlocutor in international relations, even where its political leadership often seems to pursue a different international order, and it is a key player for giving adequate responses to a number of global challenges. We are thinking of climate change, for example, because it is clear that we cannot address challenges such as the climate challenge by burdening our economies alone.
For all these reasons, we intend to pursue a relationship with China that, far from being hostile, aims to be more balanced. China is still a systemic rival, which calls for the European Union to be firm in the defence of its values and the rules-based international order on the one hand and, on the other, pragmatic in pursuing its economic interests and in discussing global challenges.
The Conclusions of the European Council meeting will also include a reference to preparations for the EU-CELAC summit to be held on 17-18 July, which will be a great opportunity to relaunch relations between Europe and Latin America, two regions that are historically linked by common cultural roots, as us Italians know better than others, thanks to the large and deep-rooted Italian communities living in those areas. In this context, however, we cannot fail to notice, and with concern, the deterioration of the situation of democracy, law, religious freedom and human rights in general in many Latin American states.
There will also be a reference to the European Council’s firm condemnation of the violent incidents in the north of Kosovo at the end of May and to the need for an immediate de-escalation of tensions, for EU-facilitated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina to resume. I confirm Italy’s commitment to peace and stability in Kosovo and the entire area of the Western Balkans, to which we are dedicating a lot of energy indeed.
In this regard, I wish to reaffirm - and I shall now come to a close – Italy’s indignation at the attack against the KFOR mission at the end of May, which also involved Italian military personnel. On behalf of all of Italy, our thanks go to them, and indeed to all the men and women in uniform who honour our Tricolour, defending peace and democracy all over the world.
I want to say to them, and to all Italian citizens who follow us, that in all European and international fora, Italy is now recognised as a solid, credible and reliable nation, thanks to its motivation and interests, thanks to its tradition of dialogue and its geopolitical role.
I say that proudly, also thinking of the many who instrumentally predicted or bet that Italy under a centre-right government would have been isolated at international level. Once again, the results have proven the predictions wrong, empowering us to do more and more, better and better, being aware as we are that Italy being strong and credible outside of our national borders above all means Italy being able to assert the interests and needs of its citizens.
Thank you.

[Courtesy translation]